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Tuesday 4 November 2014

Politics Angry Voters and Piles of Money Put Control of Senate in Play


Supporters cheered Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky at a rally in Louisville on Monday. Credit Todd Heisler/The New York Times
WASHINGTON — The most expensive midterm elections in American history moved toward what could be an inconclusive finish on Monday, the last full day of campaigning before Election Day. Polls show control of the Senate trending Republican but still up for grabs and an angry electorate unclear on what it wants from Washington in Barack Obama’s final two years as president.
Unlike in previous midterms when the party out of power made strong gains, Republican candidates did not carry a defined platform into the elections of 2014, nor did they campaign on policy specifics. Instead, they have been supported by a bitter electorate that is far less sure of its views than the voters who propelled Republican majorities in both chambers in 1994, gave Congress back to the Democrats in 2006 and swept Republicans to control of the House in 2010.
A new poll conducted by NBC News and The Wall Street Journal on Monday found that likely voters favor Republican control of Congress by a single percentage point, 46 percent to 45 percent. The same poll showed voters favoring Republicans 49 percent to 43 percent in 2010 just before Republicans seized control of the House and made large gains in the Senate.
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Midterm Elections 2014

The latest news, analysis and election results for the 2014 midterm campaign.
A batch of new state polls show Senate control is anybody’s guess, despite widespread statistical predictions showing Republicans as heavily favored to win a majority. In New Hampshire, a poll by WMUR and the University of New Hampshire gave Senator Jeanne Shaheen, the incumbent Democrat, a two-point lead over Scott Brown, the former Republican senator from Massachusetts.
A Quinnipiac University poll put the Iowa Senate race between Representative Bruce Braley, a Democrat, and State Senator Joni Ernst, a Republican, dead even, after a Des Moines Register poll showed Ms. Ernst pulling away by seven points just a day before. In Colorado, Quinnipiac showed Representative Cory Gardner, a Republican, leading the incumbent Senator Mark Udall, a Democrat, by two percentage points, keeping that race too close to call as well.
Polling still points to likely runoffs in Louisiana and Georgia, where no candidate appears capable of mustering more than 50 percent of the vote on Election Day. Between those two races and a late vote count in Alaska, where Senator Mark Begich, the incumbent Democrat, and Dan Sullivan, the Republican, are closely matched, Senate control may not be determined Tuesday night.
All of the differences in these polls are statistically insignificant, falling within the margins of sampling error.
For all the spending and all the nail-biting on races this year, the stakes of the 2014 cycle are not that high. President Obama will still be in office to defend his health care law and other Democratic accomplishments against Republican efforts to reverse them. And Republican leaders in Congress will have to wrestle with political crosscurrents in their own party that could affect their ability to confront the president or to work with him.
Interest in the election is also at a record low. The NBC News-Wall Street Journal poll found that only half of voters said they were interested in the election, down slightly from the 51 percent who were interested in June. In October 2010, 61 percent were interested, up from 51 percent the previous June. The numbers were similar in 2006, before Democrats took back control of Congress.
At least three Republicans — Senators Ted Cruz of Texas, Rand Paul of Kentucky and Marco Rubio of Florida — are eyeing runs for their party’s 2016 presidential nomination. They will be tempted to move to the right to appeal to Republican presidential base voters. Mr. Cruz, in an interview with The Washington Post, said over the weekend that a Republican-led Senate should hold Mr. Obama accountable for his policies, and urged his colleagues to aggressively pursue a repeal of the president’s signature health care law.
At the same time, many more Republicans elected in the Tea Party wave of 2010 and now getting ready to stand for re-election in Democratic or swing states in 2016 will want to tack to the center. Freshman Republican senators from New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Illinois, Ohio and Missouri could have very different political imperatives than their counterparts running for the White House.
“Quite frankly, going into 2016, the Republicans have to make a decision whether they’re in control or not in control,” Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. said in an interview with CNN on Monday. “Are they gonna begin to allow things to happen? Or are they gonna continue to be obstructionists? And I think they’re gonna choose to get things done.”
If cooperation is what they seek, Republicans and the White House could make common cause in the decades-old quest to overhaul and simplify the tax code. Next year, if the parties cannot come together, deep across-the-board spending cuts known as sequestration will return, hitting defense programs favored by Republicans and domestic programs favored by Democrats.
If resurgent Republicans favor confrontation, a Republican Senate would give them the power to try to send to Mr. Obama policies that they have talked about for years: balancing the budget quickly, converting Medicare into a program that provides vouchers for seniors to purchase private insurance, turning Medicaid into block grants to the states, and shackling regulatory agencies like the Environmental Protection Agency and the new Consumer Financial Protection Board.
Republicans would also have to decide how hard they will push to repeal or scale back the president’s health care law.
The campaign of 2014 did not go the way the Senate races of 2012 and 2010 went, when poor candidates and Republican infighting kept the Senate in Democratic hands. The Republican Party invested early and heavily in vanquishing far-right primary challengers. The slate of candidates that did emerge represented the mainstream Republican Party.
Candidates like Thom Tillis in North Carolina, the Republican Senate nominee there and the speaker of the state House, and Mr. Gardner in Colorado have worked to move to the center and moderate their positions against their Democratic challengers. Mr. Udall ran a single-issue campaign focused on women’s issues against Mr. Gardner, earning him the nickname “Mark Uterus” and costing him the endorsement of The Denver Post, which criticized his “obnoxious, one-issue campaign.”

Republicans ran a highly localized campaign, focusing on individual races specifically geared toward each state; unlike Republicans in 1994 and Democrats in 2006, they did not offer a sweeping platform of reforms that could serve as their governing blueprint nationally should they win.
“I think one of the challenges of not having had the presidency for the last six years is it’s very hard to develop a national message, and a larger uniform platform that Republicans can run on,” said Kevin Madden, a Republican strategist. “A lot of the 2016 dynamic will be introduced on the Wednesday after Election Day, and that will have a big impact on whether or not Republicans can offer a national agenda and a governing strategy.”
Democrats, meanwhile, are hoping that their multimillion-dollar gamble on a robust ground game — intended to make the off-year electorate more closely resemble a presidential election, in which Democrats typically do better — will pay off. But motivating reliable Democratic constituencies — unmarried women, minorities and young voters — to turn out in a midterm election year has always been more difficult than in presidential election years, and perhaps even more so in a climate where the president’s approval ratings hover in the low-40s.
Early voting results do indicate that Democrats in some states, particularly in Iowa and North Carolina, are doing better than they did in 2010.
But such efforts usually matter only when results are extremely close. If Tuesday breaks to the Republicans, the Democrats’ ground game could prove less than adequate.
Some pollsters say that Democrats were always facing a steep disadvantage.
“I am not sure Democrats could have done much differently given how hostile the map is for them,” said Jennifer Duffy, senior editor of the nonpartisan Cook Political Report. “The Wednesday morning quarterbacking will be loud, and include voices who don’t have a clue as to what they are talking about.”